But in the 10th-floor office of the Egyptian Organisation of Human Rights

But in the 10th-floor rdf office of the Egyptian Organisation of Human Rights 12 yesterday, Negal el-Borai php was not so happy. rdf 12 c5 Such a convulsion xml would modules article xml php normally create uproar but, with the Israeli xml opposition paralysed and the Palestinians sceptical, it is taking place in near total 12 silence.. modules Support for the Hamas Islamic movement modules article xml php and c5 the secular 12 opposition has dropped sharply because they were seen as rdf being against the Oslo agreement, c5 but rdf 12 c5 offering no alternative.The Israeli withdrawal from the Palestinian towns xml and villages of the West Bank over the next month is the most radical change in c5 relations between modules php Israel and the Palestinians article rdf since article the area was captured in the 1967 war. Fatah has been steadily modules getting the support of 43 per cent of the php 2.4 million Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem article since 1993.

"Five of my students from Balata refugee camp [on the outskirts of Nablus] came to me after I mentioned Tabouq in class and said: 'He is our hero'."There is no doubt who will win the election for the new 82-member Palestinian council on 20 January. "Some people see him as the last reminder of the radicalism of the intifada," says Mr Sa'id. It is being filled by Ahmed Tabouq, who claims to be a member of Fatah and leads a group of 20 to 30 gunmen. In the summer he called frequent strikes, punished dissenters by knee-capping and made himself the most powerful man in the city.Mr Tabouq is more than a local gangster taking advantage of the confusion between the Israeli departure and the return of Mr Arafat. "In some ways it is a dream come true," says Nader Sa'id, a sociologist at al-Najar University in Nablus."But people here are in an ambivalent and uncertain mood." They still fear that the Oslo accords are a hoax, and that they will be penned into isolated Bantustans, with Mr Arafat playing the role of Mangosuthu Buthelezi.Such is the speed of Israeli disengagement that a power vacuum has developed in Nablus. Even the 5,000 hardcore settlers who the government believes are willing to use violence against other Israelis are keeping silent.Palestinians are more sceptical than Israelis that they are seeing a real handover of political power. There are almost no protests, because the right is trying to distance itself from the extremists.

The Israeli army is pulling out ahead of schedule, and its last men will leave Nablus on 14 December, Bethlehem four days later and Ramallah, north of Jerusalem, at the end of the month. The belief that Yitzhak Rabin, the Prime Minister, was about to give up the God-given Land of Israel was at the heart of decision by Yigal Amir to kill him.In the wake of the assassination there is little the extreme right and the settlers can do to resist. For the hard core, perched in hilltop settlements like Eli and Kfar Tapu'akh, south of Nablus, the conquest of the West Bank in 1967 was the divinely ordained return to Judea and Samaria. "There was a rapid escalation of violence in October, because they knew we were passing the point of no return if we withdrew from the Palestinian cities." No Israeli government will be able to return.Israeli settlers sense this.